Police chief Musa Hassan said the trouble began in northeastern Terengganu state when Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) supporters stopped several buses and cars carrying people arriving to cast their votes in general elections.
PAS has accused the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition of ferrying in “phantom voters” to skew the outcome of today's polls.
Musa said police intervened after PAS supporters confiscated dozens of identity cards from the people inside the vehicles, triggering scuffles in the coastal town of Rusila.
“The PAS supporters threw stones at police vehicles, forcing the police to release tear gas to control the situation,” he said.
PAS officials said PAS President Abdul Hadi Awang's son, Mohamad Kholil Abdul Hadi, 32, suffered a serious injury to his face during the melee and was treated in hospital, where he received stitches.
“We will investigate further whether the leaders incited these people. We have detained 20 of them for investigation,” Musa said, denying those on the buses were engaged in electoral fraud.
“No, there is no such thing as phantom voters. If they have registered, they can vote. They are all legitimate voters,” he said.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1080308/jsp/opinion/story_8991923.jsp
FEW, POOR AND SCATTERED
- India has a stake in ethnic peace and stability in Malaysia
Sunanda K. Datta-Ray
Kumutha Rahman
New Delhi can rest assured that today's Pilihan Raya Umum (general election, 2008) in Malaysia will not affect the strengthening of military and strategic ties since Abdullah Badawi's ruling Barisan Nasional will return to office, though perhaps with a smaller majority. But the two million Indians (7.1 per cent of the population) whose controversial leader, S. Samy Vellu, of the impossibly black hair is also celebrating his 72nd birthday today draw little comfort from a process that leaves them out in the cold so far as education, jobs and effective political representation are concerned.
India's concern is not only because of its diaspora. Selling cruise missiles, training Malaysians to fly fighter jets, giving scholarships and road-building contracts to Malaysia and building railways there and burgeoning trade give India a stake in the kingdom's stability. That demands ethnic peace. The problem is not religious. Malaysia is not a Shariah-driven theocracy. Not yet. But it is an ethnocentric society in which Indians are too few, too poor and too scattered not to be marginalized. They constitute more than 20 per cent of the voters in only 10 parliamentary and 34 state constituencies and must, therefore, come to an accommodation with Malay-Muslims to prosper. There are two alternatives to Vellu, who has been president of the Malaysian Indian Congress since 1975. Indians can emulate either the devoutly Hindu, 29-year-old Kumutha Rahman, who has thrown her lot in with the Islamists, or the defiant Hindraf (Hindu Rights Action Force), whose leaders are languishing in jail without charges or trial.
It's a feverish time for them, mobilizing makkal shakti, people power, through SMS, DVD and e-mail. Indian anguish is not the only blot on the fabric of Malaysian life. There are more weighty reasons like crime and corruption for wondering if today's outcome will accurately reflect voter sentiment (even among Malays) or just skilful management. The timing of elections was clearly designed to exclude the charismatic former deputy prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim, who is banned from contesting until next month. The latest surprise announcement, dispensing with indelible ink, invites speculation about what the Barisan's dominant constituent, the United Malay National Organization, might be up to. Postal votes from the military and the police will play a large part in its success. Constituencies are mapped out almost for Barisan's convenience. The Chinese-majority Seputeh constituency had 46,500 voters in 2004, when the Malay-majority seat of Putrajaya had only 4,654. Thus, one Malay vote is the equivalent of about 10 Chinese votes.
The Chinese who comprise 23.7 per cent of Malaysia's 27 million population are also perturbed by the drift from secularism, which alone can unite a multi-racial state in contented peace. The election announcement during the Chinese new year celebrations was seen as an insult. UMNO's 2005 general assembly — when the party's youth chief brandished a traditional Malay dagger (keris), threatening to bathe it in Chinese blood — awakened memories of the horrendous 1969 race riots. But the Chinese have weightage of numbers (they are in a majority in 26 constituencies), wealth (several millionaires), and political power (Penang state has a Chinese chief minister). They also have China and Singapore (especially Lee Kuan Yew) behind them. Indians are helpless in contrast.
They voted solidly for Barisan, hoping for justice in return. But as works minister and the MIC's sole representative in the government, Vellu was seen more and more as a token Indian leader, rather like apartheid South Africa's Bantustan chiefs. He trounced his opponent in 2004 by 10,349 votes, but has recently been jeered at, harangued and insulted by Indian crowds. He has had to flee meetings where he has been heckled. His official car has been blocked from entering Indian enclaves in Penang and Kuala Lumpur and rowdy protesters have shoved his bodyguards around. Some MIC candidates feared his appearance would undermine their position but were embarrassed to ask their president to keep away. On police advice, the MIC cancelled many events. Mounting resentment against Vellu reportedly prompted Badawi at one time to consider dumping him. It is believed this is his last election though there has been no formal announcement.
Does Kumutha Rahman suggest an alternative? Her name should really be Raman, but a clerical error inserted the 'h', which could be dangerous in a country where body-snatching for the faith is a pastime with Muslim clerics. Reporters say she rattles off the names of Hindu temples she visits regularly; eats only vegetarian meals three times a week; and that nary a drop of alcohol passed her lips while she studied for a law degree at Northumbria University in England. She is active in the Parti Islam Se-Malaysia Supporters Club and her brother, president of an organization with 2,500 Indian youth members, organizes joint activities with the PAS. But since the PAS constitution does not permit non-Muslim members, she is technically contesting on the affiliated Parti Keadilan Rakyat ticket for the Tiram assembly seat in Johor state. It is no coincidence that 14 per cent of Tiram's voters are Indian; by fielding her, the avowedly Islamic PAS hopes to mop up that vote as well as substantiate its claim to have abandoned the original goal of a Muslim theocracy. Supping with Islamists is, for Kumutha, an acknowledgement that an Indian can achieve something only by cooperating with the mainstream. "The Hindu religion made me aware of my limits," she says.
Hinduism also has a role in the third — Hindraf — alternative. The courts' recent refusal to release the five leaders held under Malaysia's Internal Security Act means more prayers for their welfare in temples. Inevitably, prayers lead to political speeches, bestowing on temples, for the first time in Malaysian history, a function that churches discharged in medieval Europe and mosques do most conspicuously now. Temple prayer meetings are still safe from police raids.
Malaysia's deputy prime minister, Najib Razak, suggests the MIC can meet the challenge by "rebranding itself as a political party". That demands a new and dedicated leadership but as Mahathir Mohamad (the former prime minister) says, Vellu will not allow any other Indian to come up. Hindraf can probably rebrand itself more easily if it softens its defiance, gives up a rejectionist posture, capitalizes on the goodwill it has won and harnesses the Tamil youth power now at its disposal. After all, its target of 20 parliamentary seats indicates a yearning for participative legitimacy. The nature of the Malaysian state rules out meaningful minority politics save with the majority's consent. Malaysia is not India (or Britain), where the minority can call the tune in many social matters, and where law and tradition provide a level playing field and an impartial umpire. Malaysian Indians can ensure the sanctity of their places of worship and their social and economic opportunities only with Malay-Muslim patronage. Sadly, there is no alternative to the Kumutha Rahman way, no matter how it is disguised.
India might remind protesters who carry Mahatma Gandhi's pictures that apart from compromising with the British, he was ready to make massive concessions to the Muslim League. The task would be easier if Badawi is also convinced that the only way of defusing anger and restoring the Barisan-Indian compact is by co-opting Hindraf into mainstream politics. Releasing the incarcerated leaders is a necessary first step. Malay-Muslim hotheads, who reportedly prevented a new election manifesto promising an equitable share of the economy to minority groups and who reacted hysterically last year to Manmohan Singh's innocuous comment, will object. But Badawi must know that if it's surrender all the way, there will be little difference between UMNO and PAS or, for that matter, between Malaysia and Iran. He calls Barisan a racially "inclusive" organization. Proving it, irrespective of the result of today's voting, would benefit Malaysia in the long term, at home and abroad.
The hatred towards Umno and the New Economic Policy has also affected BN’s Indian partner, MIC and its party chief, S Samy Vellu(right).
"In his (Samy Vellu’s) statement, he claimed that RM1 million was allocated annually to the temples in Malaysia. Do you think that is enough? How many temples are there in Malaysia?" said A Vickneswaran from Ipoh. 
"I am here not for myself, [...] but I realise these boys must be educated of the situation," said Kalai (right), a man in his 40s, referring to the young men around him. He came all the way from Puchong in Kuala Lumpur to Sungai Siput - Samy Vellu’s stronghold in Perak - two weeks before the polling day to educate the residents on ‘BN’s injustice’. 
"The temple here is not being taken care of. What lies did Samy tell regarding the allocation for temples annually? What money?" says an angry youth in Ipoh, who declined to be identified. 
"They say I'm not on the list, but I have voted four times before. They just ignored my pleas. I am a citizen of this country. What difference is there between me and an Indonesian if I can't cast my vote?" said S Ravi (left) from Ladang Dovenby. 
Not surprisingly, Kulasegaram (right) is facing a tough fight to retain his seat, but he hopes the popularity of party leader Lim Kit Siang - who is defending the neighbouring seat of IpohTimur - will pull him through. | Enough is just too much |
| Saturday, 08 March 2008 | |
Barisan, you told me before and you keep telling me again and again that you are the best party to rule this country. You have always coaxed the electorate to give you a two-thirds majority in Parliament. You keep telling us that you will transform Malaysia into “negara cemerlang”. The electorate has believed you and trusted you. You promised ...* to defend the Federal Constitution but it has proved to be an empty promise. The Barisan has treated the Constitution as a mere piece of paper to be trampled upon. Just imagine, in the last fifty years the Constitution has been amended six hundred times, resulting in the loss of many precious provisions safeguarding the country’s secular democratic status, civil rights and liberties, religious freedom, rule of law, independence of the judiciary etc. You have converted a secular democracy into an “Islamic” state though the Constitution does not mention the word “Muslim” even once! You trampled upon the 20-point Sabah Agreement. Frankly, would Sabah and Sarawak have joined Malaysia if it was an “Islamic” state? * to build a participatory democracy and yet local council elections remain suspended — the main reason being the fear that non-Malays will gain control of town and city councils. This in actual fact means that non-Malays are seen fit to vote in the general elections but not in local government elections. The lopsided rural/urban weightage in terms of voter strength ensures your unfair grip on paper. The Election Commission’s method of delineating constituencies ensures your political survival. Just ask what happened to the many Kadazan-majority constituencies in Sabah? * to wipe out corruption - but corruption at all levels of the civil service and government is forever galloping. The ACA, under the control of the government, is a joke! Just imagine the ACA cleared Muhammad Taib, the currency smuggler, Judge Eusoff Chin and Zakaria of Klang of any wrong-doing. And now it is alleged that the ACA indulged in a serious corrupt practice by buying the silence of a clerk to close a criminal case because political bigwigs were involved. The Auditor-General’s Report contains many examples of corrupt practices like the set of RM40 screwdrivers supplied at RM224! Negotiated contracts at absurdly inflated prices — to ensure lucrative kickbacks — have enriched contract-awarding authorities at all levels of government. In 2007, our Transparency Index (TI) stood at 44; Corruption Perception Index (CPI) stood at 30. You are not serious about fighting corruption. You have refused to appoint an Ombudsman. Why? Neither have you set up a public register for civil servants and politicians to declare their income and assets. * to ensure national unity but your actions go contrary to what is required to build a united nation. Islamo-fascism has permeated every level of government — only one ethnic group and one religion is important. Every objection, however trivial, by Muslims holds sway. The Kuan Yim statue in Ayer Itam, Penang, was shortened. The Catholic Church in Shah Alam, though approved by the Council, was given a stop-work order. Hindu temples and churches for Orang Asli have been destroyed on the grounds that they were illegal constructions. (What about Zakaria’s mansion in Klang?). The Hindu temple in Kg. Rawa, Penang, was relocated. You talk of respecting the sensitivities of various ethnic groups. You allow the slaughter of cows in the compound of Parliament House. You talk of give-and-take but who is giving and who is taking? * to be fair to all ethnic groups in your recruitment policies for the civil service but Islamo-fascism has ensured mono-ethnic control of the civil service — education, police, the army, navy and air force, town and city councils etc. You give the reason that the non-Malays are not interested to join the civil service, army etc. Letters in the media of unsuccessful applicants speak otherwise. * for a start, to recruit people based on merit — the mere mention of this word is bound to drive recruiters into a paroxym of fear and epilepsy! Constitute interview boards which comprise 50 per cent non-Malays. If the criteria for selection for the police and armed forces is rotten, the country is in danger of having low calibre men with high calibre weapons. A non-Malay applicant for a civil service job was asked to name the first Agong together with his full awards! It has not occurred to both the MCA and MIC to set up a database and encourage every applicant for a government job, scholarships, promotion posts to punch in so that they will have correct statistics of applicants, the success rate, the failure rate etc. The MCA and MIC claim to look after the interests of the community they represent but their failure is patent to all. * to ensure that our education system is dynamic, liberal and progressive. The quality of education provided at all levels — primary, secondary and university is very low. Policies coloured by Islamo-fascism has ensured literally, total mono-ethnic control of education. The non-Malays have all been wiped out in important jobs — no non-Malay directors in the various divisions of the Ministry of Education, no non-Malay Vice-Chancellors in any of the 23 public universities, out of 92 deputy Vice-Chancellors only one is a non-Malay, no non-Malay is a State Director of Education, the same of District Education Officers. Zaid Ibrahim, UMNO MP for Kota Baru, in a recent interview said that “education is an absolute disaster” in Malaysia. He further commented that racism runs deep in our country and this is clearly the case with the Ministry of Education. The UN Report on education clearly expresses a serious concern of the poor quality of education in Malaysia, which is bound to be sidelined in a highly competitive globalised world. The public universities keep crowing that they are centres of education excellence and demand better grants. Keris-kisser Hishamuddin believes that more money pumped into education at all levels will improve quality. A Malay academic at the public university where I worked exclaimed in bitter frustration that one cannot turn donkeys into race horses. The THES-QS World University Rankings tell the truth: UM stands at 246, UKM at 309, UPM at 364 and USM at 307. * to create a safe environment but the crime rates — murder, rape, kidnap, robbery, snatch-thefts, burglary etc. — are frighteningly high. The government statistics are just the tip of the iceberg as people do not bother to report crimes because of the “tidak apa”and “macam biasa” attitude of the police. A correspondent to a local newspaper made an impassioned plea not to deny her a normal life. Women are frightened to walk on our streets. They dare not carry handbags or even wear ear-rings, let alone chains and bangles. The price of food has risen dramatically and petrol price hikes and increased tolls have further burdened the people and damaged the quality of life. * to protect the environment but the Mentris Besar/Chief Ministers together with their Excos have destroyed the environment in the name of so-called progress and development. They in actual fact have severely harmed our survival. Under the slightest excuse of a threat to national security, people have been locked up under the ISA. National survival is more important than national security because if you do not survive there would be no need for national security. Out of 141 countries surveyed, Malaysia’s position with regard to the following is thus: Air quality 79, water 47, environmental health 40. Overall 54. * to build a caring society. Look at the problems experienced by senior citizens with health problems. They are denied the drugs they need to survive and the indignity and suffering they go through are pitiable. In Australia, a senior citizen gets a month’s supply of Zocor at $A3.70 cents (about RM11). That is a caring society. * The youth who commence work are in an unenviable position. A rotten public transport system and malfunctioning public telephones force them to buy a car and a handphone. Prices of cars in Malaysia are the second highest in the world! In addition to this they need a credit card. Board and lodging costs are high. So they fall into the credit card trap. Many young people have been declared bankrupt. When will these people be able to save enough to buy a flat, get married and start a family? Does anybody care for them? Dear Barisan, I am thinking whether any other political party could have done worse. The people of Malaysia I hope will be thinking too.Enough. |
Kerajaan mengerahkan Unit Simpanan Persekutuan (FRU) mengepung ribuan pengundi di Desa Mentari Sunway yang tidak berpuas hati kerana terhalang dari membuang undi di Dun Sri Setia, Parlimen Kelana Jaya.
Jumlah keseluruhan pengundi di Desa Menteri mencecah 7000 orang dan Premis Pusat Undi PJS 6 Timur yang sempit mereka terpaksa bersesak-sesak dan menunggu terlampau lama untuk membuang undi.
Ketika dihubungi Suara KeADILan, Penyelaras Pilihanraya KeADILan Kelana Jaya Faisal Mustaffa berkata kesesakan serius di PJS 6 Timur disamping waktu pengundian yang tamat pada jam 5 petang menyebabkan ramai tidak sempat untuk membuang undi.
Jumlah pengundi yang dihalang dari mengundi tidak terhitung hinggakan egen undi tidak dapat menjalankan tugas mereka.
“SPR seharusnya lebih cermat. Pengundi marah kerana keadaan ini menyebabkan mereka terhindar dari membuang undi. Berbanding Kampung Lindungan dimana SPR menyediakan sebuah sekolah untuk menampung 3000 pengundi semata-mata, balai raya yang dijadikan pusat undi ini terlalu sempit untuk 7000 pengundi,” tegasnya.
Tambah beliau lagi, kehadiran FRU memburukkan lagi keadaan dan jentera KeADILan Kelana Jaya sedang bertungkus-lumus mententeramkan keadaan dan menjaga keselamatan pengundi.
“Kami terpaksa arahkan mereka-mereka yang telah mengundi untuk terus pulang ke rumah masing-masing dan tidak berkeliaran di kawasan sekitar pusat undi bagi mengelakkan berlakunya sebarang tindakan yang tidak diingini dari pihak polis,” kata Faisal.
Dun Sri Setia, khususnya Desa Menteri menyaksikan sokongan hebat penduduk pangsapuri kepada KeADILan dalam pilihanraya ini.
syafiq @ March
| DPM 'goes native', pleases crowd, but... | |
| He loses smile when asked about top job | |
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By Angus Whitley
March 8 (Bloomberg) -- Malaysians voted today in elections after appeals by Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to disaffected minorities to help return him to power.
Abdullah, 68, is confident he'll win two-thirds of parliament's seats after a 91 percent landslide in 2004. Opposition parties have argued the government failed to stamp out graft or relieve fears among the country's ethnic Chinese and Indians that they're second-class citizens.
Former deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim, 60, is coordinating opposition attempts to deny Abdullah the super-majority. The ruling coalition, in power since independence in 1957, says its policies favoring the majority ethnic Malays are still needed as the community continues to lag behind in their share of the country's economic growth.
``There is a lot of unhappiness about a lot of things in this country now, expressed openly,'' said Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, a political analyst at Universiti Malaya. ``They swing like monkeys, these voters.''
Polling stations for Malaysia's 10.9 million registered voters closed at 5 p.m. local time. Voter turnout was 58 percent at 3 p.m., according to Election Commission Secretary Kamaruzaman Mohd Noor. In 2004 74 percent of voters turned out.
Racial tensions, which have dominated opposition campaigns, have increased since an unauthorized demonstration against discrimination and the destruction of temples last November brought more than 10,000 Indian supporters of theHindu Rights Action Force onto Kuala Lumpur's streets.
Violence Breaks Out
Violence broke out in the state seat of Ru Rendang in Terengganu, eastern Malaysia, at about 10 a.m. local time today as supporters of the opposition Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party stopped and smashed the windows of two buses they suspected contained unregistered voters. Some passengers had their identity cards taken by the crowd.
About 100 police officers in riot gear fired tear gas into the 300-strong crowd as it barricaded the polling station. Voting was disrupted at the site, a military helicopter hovered overhead, and police prepared to deploy water cannon.
Twenty people were detained, Malaysia's Inspector General of Police Musa Hassan said by phone. The ruling coalition yesterday rejected PAS claims that unregistered voters were being ferried to the state to bolster support for the government.
Some analysts expect possible opposition gains in the election to come largely from ethnic minorities. While Abdullah's coalition includes the Malaysian Chinese Association and the Malaysian Indian Congress parties, it's dominated by the United Malays National Organisation.
`Crisis of Representation'
The MCA and the MIC may suffer a ``crisis of representation'' after the polls, Farish Ahmad Noor, Singapore- based senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, told a gathering of mainly opposition supporters in Kuala Lumpur on March 2. ``Things have begun to unravel.''
Abdullah has said ethnic Chinese and Indians will be better represented in his coalition, even as minority parties, than in a stronger parliamentary opposition.
Indians and Chinese together are a third of Malaysia's population of 27 million. If enough vote against the ruling coalition, it would lose the two-thirds parliamentary majority that allows it to change the constitution unopposed.
Hotly contested areas in the election include Penang, predominantly Chinese, where opposition rallies have drawn record crowds. Koh Tsu Koon, the government's chief minister in the state, told reporters yesterday the coalition is facing its biggest challenge for control of Penang since 1990.
Other battlegrounds are Terengganu, mainly Malay, and Kelantan, where thePan-Malaysian Islamic Party is seeking to keep control of the only state not in coalition hands.
`Confident of Winning'
``I'm confident of winning if there is transparency in the system,'' said Nik Aziz Nik Mat, 77-year-old chief minister in Kelantan state and spiritual leader of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic party, at a voting center in his constituency near Kota Bharu, the state capital.
The Barisan Nasional coalition has promised economic development in Kelantan, Malaysia's third-poorest state. That may not be enough for some traditional voters.
``Islam is the people's way of life here and PAS promotes just that,'' said Ismail Hussein, a 42-year-old fisherman from Batu Gajah village in Kelantan, as he covered a hole in his boat with a wooden board. ``Life is peaceful under PAS.''
Some voters are concerned a stronger opposition may trigger racial unrest. In 1969, after urban Chinese and rural Islamic opposition groups won a majority of votes and more than a third of parliament, Chinese victory parades prompted a bloody backlash by Malays and emergency rule.
Multiracial Country
``You wouldn't want to see the country facing instability with illegal demonstrations,'' Abdullah said in a live television interview on the eve of election day, advising Malaysians to vote for the future and coalition candidates ``without any doubt or suspicion.''
Anwar's People's Justice Party is co-operating with the Chinese-based Democratic Action Party and PAS against the government, and pledges to scrap an affirmative-action policy giving Malays educational, housing and job preferences created in 1971 after parliamentary rule was restored.
Malaysia's electoral process is ``grossly unfair'' on the opposition, New York-based Human Rights Watch said on March 5. Authorities allow the ruling coalition to campaign freely while refusing permits for some opposition rallies, the group said. The government rejected the allegations.
Abdullah promised to build a more inclusive multiracial country and crack down on corruption in his 2004 manifesto. Malaysia slid to 43rd in Transparency International's 2007 Corruption Perceptions Index from 39th in 2004, when he won his landslide.
There are 222 parliamentary seats and 576 state seats at stake in the election,according to the Election Commission.
To contact the reporter on this story: Angus Whitley in Kuala Lumpur at awhitley1@bloomberg.net
| Badawi Faces Acid Test Today Mushtak Parker, Arab News | ||||||
LONDON, 8 March 2008 — Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi faces probably the toughest test of his political life in today’s general elections as millions of Malaysians go to the polls in 16 states, including the federal territories of the capital, Kuala Lumpur; the new government administration hub in Putrajaya; and the offshore financial center of Labuan. Not that the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, which has ruled Malaysia since independence in 1957, is in danger of losing the election. Its victory is a forgone conclusion. But the odds are increasingly in favor of the BN, which combines the dominant United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the Malaysia Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), losing its two-thirds majority in the Dewat Rakyan (the Malaysian Parliament) for the first time in its history. The problem with Malaysian democracy is that it is effectively a one-party democracy and the opposition DAP, PAS (the Islamic party) and others have no chance of forming the next or any future government. Unless of course Malaysian democracy and political culture undergoes a political earthquake well off the Richter scale. Perhaps more worryingly for Prime Minister Badawi is his eroding position in UMNO, of which he is the current president. “Even if he wins the general election, there is a real danger that Paklah (the truncated pet name for the prime minister) may lose the UMNO leadership battle at the next party convention in November 2008. If that is the case, then he will be forced to resign as premier, and make way for the new president of UMNO,” explained a prominent UMNO insider. Badawi’s main rival is the current UMNO Deputy President Najib Tun Abdul Razak, who is also the defense minister. Najib’s political pedigree could not be better. He is the son of the federation’s second prime minister, the much-loved Tun Abdul Razak, and has a much stronger grassroots support in UMNO than Badawi, the son of a prominent imam and considered to be an increasingly aloof and indecisive technocrat. Not that Badawi does not have a mean political streak in him. He called the election on March 8, which is coincidentally one week before the ban on former Finance Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s participation in Malaysian elections expires. Anwar was barred from Malaysian politics for a certain period, because he was convicted on corruption charges. Malaysian political sources concede that this was one of the considerations for the prime minister in setting the election date. Anwar, however, has been trying to enter the election fray from the sidelines, although one of his sons, Mukhriz, is standing on the BN ticket in the Jerlun constituency. He has stressed that petrol prices under his watch as finance minister were much lower and has maintained that if he were in government he would divert the 40-billion-ringgit windfall with state-owned oil company Petronas to cutting back oil prices and paying for free education for all. Both Badawi and Mahathir Mohamad have dismissed Anwar as “yesterday’s man” who lost his opportunity because he was too impatient to work his way up the UMNO leadership ladder. “Two days after he joined UMNO,” stressed Mahathir recently, “he wanted to be the youth leader, a year later vice president and a year after that deputy president… I after 18 years only got a chance to be an elected representative and 28 years after that became a minister.” There is growing disillusionment and discontent in Malaysia, even among BN supporters, about the Badawi administration. The prime minister is perceived to be weak and dithering, seemingly ineffective in dealing with potentially emotive and explosive issues relating to rising ethnic discontent, especially with the 10 percent Malaysian Indian minority which comprise mostly Indians of Tamil origin and which encompasses Indian Muslims, Hindus and Christians. The Indians, with some justification, stress that the Malays constitute 60 percent of the population but they get 90 percent of the government jobs. The Chinese, who comprise 30 percent of the population and who, like the Indians were “imported” to the country by the British colonialists to work on the rubber and palm oil plantations and the tin mines, and who today effectively run the Malaysian economy and have fared much better economically than all the other ethnic groups in the country, on the other hand complain about the poor state of teaching of the Chinese language in state education, and the ethnic quota system at Malaysian universities which they say is heavily skewed in favor of the Bumiputras (the ethnic Malays). Premier Badawi has also failed to deal with religious issues relating to the rights of Muslim women in inheritance, especially in polygamous marriages; he has banned the use of the word “Allah” in the literature of other religions; there has been strong discontent especially among Malaysian Christians and Hindus in the rulings of the Shariah and Supreme Courts in recent cases which critics stress the Malaysian judiciary is “institutionally in favor of the majority Muslims” when it comes to matters of religion. Badawi has entrusted his long-serving but controversial no-nonsense MIC Cabinet Minister Sammy Vellu to sort out the issues pertaining to the Malaysian Indian discontent. He has already accused extremist religious troublemakers backed by foreign organization of stirring up things. Badawi was seen as a breath of fresh air when he succeeded Mahathir as prime minister more than three years ago. He projected himself as Malaysia’s “Mr. Clean” promising to wipe up money politics in elections (where candidates in the past have virtually bought votes by handing out cash to voters) and corruption in government, the bureaucracy and in corporate life. He also promised to champion the lot of the rural poor, although this had to be reconciled with the stated policy of diluting the country’s New Economic Policy (NEP) which openly promotes affirmative action in favor of the Malays. Perhaps more perniciously is the role of Badawi’s controversial son-in-law Khairy, who has been accused of running policy behind the scenes and allegedly benefited from business deals as a result of his position. His father-in-law seemingly is oblivious of these concerns and has failed to reign in both his forceful daughter and son-in-law. Not that Najib, his main UMNO rival, is untainted. The recent Daphne Class submarine order from France totaling some $2.5 billion saw a company owned by a close friend of the defense minister raking in a whopping $100 million in commission and fees from the deal. Instead of acknowledging the potential conflict of interest and cronyism, neither the prime minister nor the defense minister could see anything wrong with the deal, stressing that this was normal in defense contracts. Najib also has other potentially serious personal failings as many UMNO apparatchiks are only too aware of. “We are prepared to give him the benefit of the doubt. We believe he is changing and he will be strong in his commitment to wipe out corruption and cronyism,” stressed one UMNO insider. Mahathir of course had a celebrated public spat with his successor stressing that if he had known Badawi was going to abandon his policies, he would never have endorsed him as the next prime minister. He has also hinted that BN losing its two-thirds majority may not be a bad thing for the party and for the country. Mahathir was seen as a strong and charismatic leader at ease with the people, and some Malaysians loathed him for that. Badawi is seen as a weak and aloof leader cut off from the mainstream society, and some Malaysians loathe him for that. The elections, however, will see some interesting battles and scenarios. Finance Minister Nor Mohamed Yakcop, a senator in the last government, is standing as an MP for the first time in Tasek Gelugor constituency in Penang. Only a year ago, he was adamant he was stepping down from government to devote more time to his family and business interests. In Putrajaya, incumbent MP and Tourism Minister Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor, after seeing off the challenge to represent BN in the constituency from the “Young Turk” of UMNO politics Zaki Ahmad, an adviser to Badawi, is confident of staving off another challenge from the only opposition candidate — from the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS). Putrajaya is the only constituency in the federal administrative capital which has a voter role of only 6,608. Tengku Adana has proven to be a controversial politician and his controversial remarks last year about Malaysian women has stigmatized him as a politician with misogynistic tendencies. Perhaps the most remarkable story of today’s election could belong to an 89-year-old great grandmother, Maimun Yusof, who is standing as an independent in the Kuala Trengganu constituency. Her chances are not very good, but then a day is a very long time in politics, especially as voters are disillusioned with the two main parties in the Trengganu state — BN and PAS. |
The fragmented opposition parties have already conceded they will lose even though they set aside their ideological differences to mount their most united challenge yet against the ruling National Front, a multiethnic coalition of 14 parties.
Hoping to capitalize on a protest vote against deteriorating race relations, rising crime and inflation, the opposition says it is contesting the elections with one purpose — to deny Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi a two-thirds majority in the 222-member Parliament, a feat that the National Front has achieved in every election but one since independence in 1957.
"This is Abdullah's litmus test. Not anybody else's litmus test," said Bridget Welsh, a Southeast Asia expert at Johns Hopkins University who is in Malaysia to monitor the polls. A reduced majority would be a "testimony to the failure of his administration at the very basic," she told The Associated Press.
Simultaneous elections also are being held for local assemblies in 12 Malaysian states. The 13th state of Sarawak recently held elections. The National Front controls all states except Kelantan, which is ruled by the opposition Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, or PAS.
PAS spiritual leader Nik Aziz Nik Mat said he was confident of keeping Kelantan "if there is transparency" in voting. "But if they win because of cheating, we won't sit still. We will do something."
In neighboring Terengganu state, police fired tear gas at PAS members who threw stones at two buses that were allegedly carrying National Front workers, state police chief Ayob Yaacob said. PAS officials said the workers were being brought in to cast votes using bogus registration details.
Ayob said police fired tear gas and detained 22 people.
"After we did that, the rest of them all ran away," Ayob said.
First-time voter Michael Lim said he voted for an opposition party.
"They have not taken care of the people," he said in the capital, Kuala Lumpur. "A lot of promises were made, but nothing (was) fulfilled."
Abdullah, who voted with his wife in northern Penang state, denied opposition allegations of voter fraud.
"It's not true. What (are) opposition parties thinking? Do they think that I am a liar? I want this election to be a credible election, good for all and good for us too," he said.
A key issue in the elections is the disillusionment among ethnic Chinese and Indians, who have complained about religious discrimination and a 37-year-old affirmative action program giving the majority Muslim Malays preference in government jobs, business and education.
Malays make up 60 percent of Malaysia's 27 million people, and form the bulk of voters for Abdullah's United Malays National Organization. The party dominates the governing coalition, which also includes Chinese and Indian-based parties in a power-sharing arrangement that has largely ensured racial peace in this multiethnic country.
In the last elections in 2004, the National Front won 91 percent of the seats amid optimism over a new beginning by Abdullah, who had replaced longtime leader Mahathir Mohamad the previous year. A Muslim scholar, Abdullah rode to popularity promising to root out corruption, fight crime, bring down prices and create a racially peaceful society.
"Many of those reforms have not been delivered. That has made him vulnerable. He said 'I will bring change' and he hasn't brought change," said Welsh.
Opposition parties — the Islamic PAS, the Chinese-dominated Democratic Action Party and former Deputy Prime Minister's Anwar Ibrahim People's Justice Party — say they are fighting an unfair battle.
Apart from the National Front's organized and well-funded electoral machinery, the opposition is also hampered by an electoral system that favors the party in power.
The government gerrymanders constituencies to ensure its supporters dominate a district; the media are government controlled and give very little space to the opposition, which has turned to the Internet.
Anwar and other opposition leaders also have questioned voter registration lists, saying they were prone to manipulation because they allegedly contained dead people or individual addresses with hundreds of voters.
Associated Press writers Vijay Joshi, Eileen Ng, Julia Zappei and Sean Yoong contributed to this report.
| Ex-soldier aims to topple MIC in its backyard |
| BS Vanan |
| Fifty-year-old V Arumugam just got fed with the way the Indian community was sidelined by the BN government. He had given up all hope that MIC, the community�s representative in the government, would be able to help elevate the status of the community. As such he decided to do something on his own - he decided to stand in the general election as an independent candidate to force some changes in the system.  The ex-soldier believes that he has the support of the Indian community as well as the rest of the voters to take on BN-MIC�s S Krishnan at the Bukit Selambau state seat in Kedah.What was expected to be a three-cornered fight involving himself, Krishnan and PKR�s Saiful Izham Ramli turned into a straight fight when the PKR man�s nomination was rejected by the Election Commission on nomination day over his failure to submit his expense accounts for the 2004 general election. Now Arumugam sees it as his responsibility to make a change, at least in the Bukit Selambau constituency, by defeating the MIC new face. Born and raised in Sungai Petani, Arumugam was a former division level PKR leader in Bukit Selambau. There are 34,977 voters in this seat with Malays forming the bulk of it at 50.2 percent. There is also a sizeable number of Indian voters (30 percent) here. Chinese form 19.3 percent of the total voters. In 2004, MIC�s V Saravanan retained this traditionally strong MIC seat in a three-cornered fight by a 7,695-vote majority. Malaysiakini caught up with Arumugam for an interview in one of his rounds in the area. Below is an excerpt of the interview. Malaysiakini: How is the response from the public for you? V Arumugam: Very encouraging, especially from the Malays and the Chinese voters. Basically they want a change. In that aspect everyone is giving a full support. Each time when they meet me, from they handshake itself you can know how much support they are giving. Some even tap on my shoulder. They are not running away. They are welcoming (me). That shows they are eager for a change. How do you do your campaigning?  Hmm..just a few days ago, there was an announcement from PKR that they will endorse me, as their candidate Saiful Izham has been disqualified. They are sponsoring some campaigning materials. And since I am contesting on the Makkal Sakthi (people�s power) platform, various types of contributions are pouring in. Basically I am using all the opposition (campaigning) materials.How do you face the might of the BN/MIC campaign machinery? The Makkal (people) are behind me. They are ready to walk with me. That surely will make me more energetic. Even with BN�s heavy machinery, I think my personal approach gives more effective way to campaign. We are going around to send the message. There is significant increase in the number of independent candidates in this general election (about 22 in Peninsular Malaysia alone). What do you think the reason behind this? The reason behind this is the unfulfilled expectations of the people. They expect that someone can represent them to champion for the cause of the community. They are not sure if they can trust the sweet promises by political parties. If we contest under opposition parties, nothing is going to happen. Now when we question anything they will label us as opposition and things will go wrong there. We don�t what that. We want to help people, to highlight to the government about the public�s outcry. We fight for the good causes. That is why I am standing as independent. What will you if you are elected?  The basic thing is to uplift the social economic levels of the poor, especially for the Indians. They need a hand to shape their future. There are a lot of school dropouts, I was raised in estate environment so I know how it is. I have my personal experience.Now they are looking if anyone can assist them, genuinely. For other communities, they have their own problems as well. The Chinese wants more financial assistants to run their business and the Malays with land issues�there are many. Your view on the calls for independent candidates to form an alliance or a party? Can�that is only if we are able to secure the seats. If not then no point. I believe independent candidates are more towards one-to-one basis, without allying to any parties. Your comment on Malaysian elections? It is not a fair election. In Merbok, when they handed over the postal votes, there were few names of those who were not in the military service. Is that fair? After so many complaints, still no action. Why not just get rid off the postal votes? We heard that you have received several threats... Yes, but that is part of politics. It�s normal lah. (On the threats) I am not sure which party supporters they are, but if it is BN then let them be. I am not worried about that. They may be afraid that I might give them a strong fight. Do you wish to comment on your opponent? I do my campaigning in a more gentlemanly way. I don�t do all the character assassinations. Let him do that. Finally, your message to your voters? I am a local resident here. They all know me. I am very clean. In that way I am getting respect, I am getting my support. I don�t want to disappoint the middle-class and lower-class people. Source : Malaysiakini |
Dr Chandra Muzaffar, a self-proclaimed intellectual and arm-chair critic of BN of yesteryears, suddenly saw it fit to allow himself to be manipulated by the Barang Naik party to cast malicious aspersion against Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim and to indirectly influence Malaysians not to support the opposition.
This is, for all intent and purpose, an affront to basic freedom and democracy.
For a start, Chandra is just an intellectual fraud. He only pays lip-service to words like freedom and democracy.
In 1998/99 I was sacked from the DAP under strange circumstances and many other DAP leaders throughout the nation resigned from the DAP. At the same time, we were thinking of joining PKR in order to carry on our struggles against injustices, corruptions and abuses of power. During that period, Chandra was the Deputy President of PKR and he, as unreasonable as it was, saw it fit to make a unilateral declaration that all former DAP leaders were banned from joining PKR.
To say the least, this behaviour of his was absolutely bizarre and mind-boggling.
We were extremely shocked and disappointed with Chandra, whom we thought was a real democrat and a great defender of freedom and injustice. After the said infamous declaration of his putting a blanket-ban on former DAP leaders from joining PKR, we knew then that Chandra was merely an arm-chair critic and intellectual fraud when it comes to freedom and democracy.
Whatever Chandra has uttered last night at the forum organised by The Star was not unexpected given his past record. And those utterances should be consigned to the foul-smelling garbage bins much like his mouth at the time surely.
Moreover, Chandran’s vile gibberish of last night was also verbiage and an obvious act of sabotage against the people of this country.
We call upon Chandra to carry on being an arm-chair critic in his academic ‘prison’ and to immediately stop insulting the intelligence of the public.
Chandra would also do well to go back to school to re-learn the basic principles of freedom and democracy.
